On the eve of independence Mozambique faces almost overwhelming domestic problems: underdeveloped agricultural system, a shortage of schools and health facilities due to the mass exodus of 103,000 Portuguese, a $950 million external debt, and an acute shortage of foreign exchange.

After 500 years of colonialism and ten years of a bitter guerrilla war the Portuguese territory of Mozambique becomes independent on June 25. Little has been written about the men who led the liberation struggle as members of Frelimo (Front for the Liberation of Mozambique) and who will soon take over the government after a short nine-month transition period. Robin Wright recently became the first foreign journalist to travel with Frelimo Prime Minister and several members of the transition cabinet as they toured the country. Before going to Mozambique, Wright also met with members of the party hierarchy who remained in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania during the transition. What follows is an assessment of the key leaders, who will play a vital role in the future of all southern Africa, as well as in Mozambique, due to the country's strategic position and its long-standing economic ties with South Africa and Rhodesia.

At first appearance the only things African about Janet Mondlane are her batik print shirts. Yet the American-born mother of three is a leading member and founder of one of Africa's most heralded liberation movements, which on June 25 will take over full control of the Mozambique government.

Filipe looked like a walking advertisement for the new government, t-shirt with the new flag stretched tightly across his chest, plastic pinkie ring also with the new flag, tiny metal chest pin engraved with the face of the national liberation movement's founder, and second-hand battle fatigue trousers once worn by the liberation army

Liberation forces fought a bitter ten-year guerrilla war to free Mozambique of 500 years of Portuguese domination, a goal realized with full independence for the southeast African country on June 25. But according to officials of the new government, the struggle is far from over.

Portugal was the first colonial power in Africa, dating back almost 500 years. With the independence of its three African colonies — Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and Angola — this year it will be the last major colonial power to leave. But the break does not end all ties, for not all the Portuguese have yet left.

One of the greatest obstacles to national development throughout sub-Sahara Africa is illiteracy. Low levels of education prevent contact between government and the masses, the transmission of better techniques for agriculture and production, and realization of national goals and priorities.

Independence for a country like Mozambique, which was under colonial rule for almost 500 years, is not just a political event. Freedom also "liberates the soul and the spirit of the people," as one Mozambican put it.

Those who best express this new spirit are usually the artists and writers, as Robin Wright discovered during conversations with several artists in Lourenco Marques. Wright has been investigating the impact of independence in Mozambique on the human level as well as the political situation.

The waiting and speculation is over. The southeast African nation of Mozambique, under colonial rule almost 500 years, became independent on June 25. The new government is now able to act on its platforms and promises.

Dr. Alan Paton, noted author, columnist and politician, has been a leading advocate of change in South Africa's racial laws for 50 years, perhaps the longest and loudest voice of opposition throughout that volatile period.

One of the most notable developments is the establishment of a women's unit in the Rhodesian army and air force. Robin Wright recently interviewed several of the new enlistees on the eve of their induction in Salisbury and went with them for the first morning of training. Their views, which follow, reflect the hardening of white Rhodesian political opinions as the tension between blacks and whites reaches a crisis stage.

As the tenth anniversary of its unilateral independence from Britain approaches, the Rhodesian government faces the most dramatic decision in its history: settlement with black nationalists or war. Prime Minister Ian Smith has stalled on the issue of black majority rule for a decade and through four settlement efforts, but now increased internal and external pressures are forcing him to face the alternatives head on.

With his recent election as the new president of Rhodesia's black nationalist movement, Joshua Nkomo finally gained the position for which he has long worked. Although an active nationalist for 20 years, the stout and personable leader previously held minimal power because of competition from three rival liberation movements.

On November 11 the massive southwest African territory of Angola gained independence after 500 years of Portuguese colonial domination. But while the longest liberation struggle in black Africa has ended, the trouble is far from over. A bitter civil conflict among the three rival movements for complete control of the country prevents the factions from focusing attention on the many political and social problems of a new nation.

Behind the bitter civil conflict that currently divides Angola into three zones of influence and two separate governments are three men: Dr. Agostinho Neto of the Popular Liberation Movement (MPLA), Dr. Jonas Savimbi of the Union for Total Independence (UNITA), and Holden Roberto of the National Liberation Front (FNLA).

On December 25, Mozambique celebrated six months of independence from Portuguese colonial domination. While peaceful in comparison with Angola, another former Portuguese colony now torn by a bitter civil war, Mozambique is also facing serious problems that threaten its stability.

One of the forgotten factions in the current phase of Rhodesia's constitutional crisis is the African living in the "sharp end" — the zone where terrorists have been sporadically active since December, 1972. Some 100,000 black Rhodesians live in this northeast border area and have had to face two ugly alternatives during the past three years: support the guerrillas and face retribution from the government, or support the white government and face retribution from their own people.

Within the volatile southern African subcontinent — where war, racial tension and political and economic problems compete for headlines — there is only one country comparatively problem-free. A non-racial, potentially wealthy and politically stable nation, Botswana is the only state that is prospering without pressure or without tension in this troubled territory.

"Rhodesia faces its final hour." "The Armageddon is on." "The blindness of Rhodesia." With those alarming words, the world press has headlined its view that white domination in the rebellious southern African colony is just about over.

Yet the government of Prime Minister Ian Smith is not willing to concede that black majority rule is inevitable. In fact, quite the contrary. Rhodesia has launched two major campaigns to combat the impact of the estimated 12,000 guerrillas based in neighboring Mozambique: a full-scale call-up of all males between 18 and 35, and a fierce propaganda campaign to boost morale among the 280,000 whites — outnumbered 22:1 by Africans.

If I hadn't lived through it, I'm sure I'd never believe it. Few dramas have ended in such tragedy. Few comedies have contained such pathetic slapstick. And no cast of characters were such perfect parodies of their stereotypes.